Introduction: the origins and development of labour
administration
INTRODUCTION
The global financial crisis that began in 2008 and the economic crisis that
ensued have had substantial and potentially long-lasting implications for the
extent and nature of state intervention in the labour market and, by extension,
for public administration activities and institutions relating to work and
employment. These activities and institutions, which collectively comprise
systems of ‘labour administration’, involve a variety of state bodies,
including labour ministries (or their functional equivalents), public
employment services, labour inspectorates, dispute resolution services, and
vocational education and training institutions. Systems of labour
administration vary in terms of their complexity, degree of centralization and
the extent to which non-state actors (e.g. private and third-sector
organizations, employer organizations and trade unions) contribute to
governance and service delivery. They provide the institutional channels
through which labour market policies are elaborated, implemented and monitored.
However, while some components of labour administration systems, such as public
employment services, have been the subject of a considerable amount of
research, there have been few attempts to describe and make sense of wider
developments in labour administration.
THE CONCEPT AND
SCOPE OF LABOUR ADMINISTRATION Labour
administration is defined by the International Labour Organization (ILO) in its
Labour Administration Convention, 1978 (No. 150) as ‘public administration
activities in the field of national labour policy’. This includes institutions,
activities and outcomes across the entire field of labour policy, including
employment policy, labour law, social protection and industrial relations. The
Labour Administration Convention and the accompanying Recommendation, 1978 (No.
158) provide the only universally recognized conceptual framework for labour
administration. Both the Convention and the Recommendation are typical
‘promotional’ standards: while they have a very clear normative content, they
mainly provide policy guidelines and objectives to be given concrete form in
specific measures adapted to national conditions. They are based on the
assumption that ‘adoption in a country of labour laws and regulations might be
ineffective if that country does not have at its disposal a competent and
efficient labour administration, entrusted with the tasks of following the
development of the social situation, of supervising the implementation of
legislation and of ensuring the operation of existing machinery’
The ILO Labour
Administration Convention makes a distinction between ‘labour administration’
and ‘national systems of labour administration’. Labour administration, as
defined in the preceding paragraph, is a function, consisting of the elaboration
and implementation of labour policies.
HISTORICAL
OVERVIEW OF LABOUR ADMINISTRATION Key junctures in the development of
labour administration have tended to occur during periods of economic and
social difficulty, when established thinking has been challenged and
policy-makers have been forced to develop new practical measures. Each time
this has happened, some measures have subsequently been phased out once the
period of crisis has ended, while others have become institutionally embedded
and outlasted their initial purpose. The key social policy milestones in this
area have been: + the period of debate relating to the ‘social question’ in the
late nineteenth century; + the First World War and subsequent social unrest; +
the Great Depression of the 1930s; + the Second World War; + the economic
difficulties of industrialized countries in the 1970s and 1980s; and + the
Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s.
During these periods of
turmoil, new policies were developed, new schemes were created or old ones
adapted, new institutions were founded to administer measures and new
management methods were promoted. Attempts by the state to force employers to
abide by minimum labour standards stretch back at least as far as 1802, when
the first in a series of Factory Acts was passed in the United Kingdom (UK).
During the nineteenth century, concerns relating to the conditions of labour,
the growth of trade unions, the spread of industrial action and social unrest,
and the formation of political parties committed to promoting the interests of
workers, in some cases through revolutionary means, served to focus the
attention of policy-makers on relations between labour and capital,
particularly during the period from 1880 to the end of the First World War
(Kaufman, 2004: 37). The social insurance reforms introduced by the German
government under Chancellor Bismarck are sometimes taken to symbolize the
beginnings of the modern history of labour policy. The reforms, which related
to sickness, accidents, invalidity and old-age insurance, were introduced in
the 1880s and 1890s.3 This period also saw the creation in Germany of labour
exchanges, which in turn encouraged their establishment elsewhere in Europe.
Unemployment insurance schemes also began to emerge. The British government
introduced compulsory unemployment insurance in 1911 and over the next quarter
of a century compulsory unemployment insurance schemes were introduced in a
number of other European countries.4 All these policy reforms were accompanied
by the creation of corresponding administrative structures, albeit very modest
ones to begin with. The functions of government labour offices, which were
first established in the 1880s to inform policy-makers and provide legislators
with necessary background information, were initially confined to research and
the collation of statistics. A Commission for Labour Statistics was created in
Germany in 1882, and similar bodies were subsequently established in Spain
(1883), the USA (1884) and the UK (1887). These offices can be regarded as
prototype labour ministries, the first full-blown example of which emerged in
Belgium, where a Ministry of Industry and Labour was created in 1894. In
several other countries, labour departments were created during this period as
organizational units of ministries with larger competencies, such as the
Ministry of Public Work in the Netherlands (1901), the Ministry of the Interior
in Argentina (1907) and the Department of the Interior (and later the
Departments of Commerce and Labor) in the USA (1903). The mandate of such
bodies was initially limited to inspection of employment conditions in
factories and mines and was only gradually extended to other functions and
services, especially job placement.
The First World War had a
catalytic effect on the development of the state’s role in regulating working
conditions and labour markets. While national governments were concerned to
mobilize workers for industrial production while maintaining social peace,
wartime privations and mounting inflation led to a wave of strikes and
unprecedented demands for shorter working hours and better conditions (Jacoby,
1985). The Russian Revolution of 1917 and the fear that a similar upheaval
might occur elsewhere in Europe also served to focus policy-makers’ minds on
social reform. The responses of governments during and immediately following
the war took the form of government commissions and the establishment of new
public bodies, including a first generation of advisory councils involving
representatives of workers and employers in the examination and planning of
labour policy. The creation of the ILO in 1919 was the first serious step
towards global governance of labour affairs and had a far-reaching impact on
the development of labour administration systems, as the ILO Constitution
(which constitutes Chapter XIII of the Versailles Peace Treaty) presupposed the
existence of specialized bodies dealing with labour matters.5 The inter-war
period was punctuated by a series of economic and social difficulties that ultimately
led to the further substantial consolidation of labour policies and related
administrative frameworks. The massive rise in unemployment that followed the
financial crisis of 1929 and continued through the Great Depression made
apparent the inadequacies of support for unemployed workers, encouraging
reforms of existing unemployment insurance measures and the further adoption of
compulsory schemes where these were not already in place. Only a handful of
governments entered the crisis period with pre-existing unemployment insurance
legislation,6 while others had only old-type relief schemes. By 1933, however,
compulsory or voluntary insurance schemes, and corresponding administrative
bodies, were operating in 17 countries. The different reform paths that were
taken reflect differences in the traditions and ideologies of national trade
union movements and their relationship to the state. In Britain, for example,
the Trades Union Congress (TUC) was strongly in favour of raising the level of
benefits available under the existing insurance scheme and removing
qualifications (Allen, 1960: 241). By contrast, the President of the American
Federation of Labor (AFL) viewed compulsory unemployment insurance as a ‘union
wrecking agency’ – a threat to the autonomy of the union movement
(Lichtenstein, 2002: 12). The introduction of unemployment insurance in the USA
thus took place in the face of opposition from both business and the national
trade union federation. Nevertheless, policy-makers’ desire to
find an accommodation with
labour was an important spur to the reforms that comprised Roosevelt’s New Deal
programme. The New Deal introduced a number of bodies and policy measures that
remain in force today, albeit in modified forms. The principal examples are the
National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) adopted in 1935, the National Labor
Relations Board, which was established to supervise labour management relations
and enforce the rules of the NLRA, the Fair Labor Standards Act (1938), which
introduced new regulations relating to working hours and introduced a federal
minimum wage, and the Social Security Act (SSA) of 1935, which created a legal
basis for the Social Security Administration that continues to administer
social security programmes. More generally, the development of measures
relating to employment, labour relations and social protection resulted in the
spread of corresponding administrative arrangements. While compulsory
unemployment insurance schemes were administered by state funds and agencies,
voluntary systems were typically administered through a number of mutual
benefit funds, often managed by unions7 and supervised by various state bodies.
The economic crisis of the inter-war period was also a factor in the
establishment and improvement of placement services and the expansion of
programmes of public work (the New Deal inaugurated the largest programme of
public works ever implemented), although public employment services played only
a limited role until the Second World War. The ILO also played a role in encouraging
the expansion of administrative support for labour policies and the creation of
ministries with a specific labour policy remit. In 1928 a resolution was
adopted inviting governments to set up an adequate and specialized department,
capable of performing successfully, widely and fully the task of preparing,
amending and securing the application of all the acts and regulations relating
to labour, and specially as regards inspection services, relations with the
International Labour Office, advisory bodies and the supply of information, the
peaceful settlement of industrial disputes, and the compilation and publication
of statistics, reports and all other documents dealing with labour. (ILO, 1928:
710)
state in the regulation of
the labour market increased tremendously and continued to grow during the
post-war period, with public employment services in many countries acquiring a
quasi-monopoly on job placement. More importantly, social policy abandoned its
narrow ‘protectionist’ role and was increasingly required to become one of the
driving forces in economic and social progress. Objectives of social justice,
full employment, social security, and better working and living conditions were
embodied in key international treaties. Documents such as the Atlantic Charter
(1941), the Declaration of Philadelphia (1944), the Charter of the United
Nations (1945) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) provided a
basis for social reforms throughout the world. Of particular significance was
the Declaration of Philadelphia, which included the proclamation that labour is
not a commodity and elevated social objectives to the ‘central aim of national
and international policy’ (Paragraph IIb). The desire of policy-makers to avoid
the economic and social disruptions of the inter-war period encouraged a
widespread acceptance of the necessity of state intervention in the economy.
With regard to the labour market, many governments embraced the policy
prescriptions of Keynesian economics and accepted that it was essential to
manage aggregate demand if full employment were to be delivered and maintained.
The welfare state, financed through progressive taxation, was expanded as
policy-makers sought to achieve social outcomes that market forces could not
deliver. The attention given to social objectives such as full employment, the
improvement of working conditions and the extension of social security during
the post-war period also encouraged the recognition and consolidation of a
comprehensive role for ministries of labour and an expansion of the financial
and material resources available to national labour administration systems.
Labour ministries and their agencies became responsible for a substantial
proportion of state budgets, which made them a powerful and influential part of
the governmental machinery. However, new economic and social pressures emerged
in the late 1960s and 1970s. The crisis of industrialized countries that
followed the first oil shock in 1973 and affected most industrialized countries
until the 1980s was different from the Great Depression of the 1930s in terms
of the reaction of public authorities and specifically of labour
administration. While the oil price shock was unanticipated and linked to
political instability in the Middle East, the crisis revealed the underlying
fragility of some national economies. In the face of macroeconomic
difficulties, governments’ willingness to intervene in industrial relations
increased sharply, especially in relation to the imposition of incomes policies
SCOPE OR FIELDS OF LABOUR ADMINISTRATION
Labour administration
has been on the ILO agenda ever since the organization was founded 90 years
ago. The creation of the ILO in 1919 led to the formation in many countries of
ministries of labour, which went on to play a pivotal role within the broad
framework of promoting good governance, shaping government activity on various
levels. More recently, in the last two decades labour ministries in many
countries have responded to contemporary challenges by formulating employment
policies, providing employment services, building consensus on emerging labour
issues, putting in place effective labour inspection systems and promoting
sound labour–management relations. There is no doubt that the development of
labour administration has been strongly influenced by international labour
standards as embodied in the ILO Conventions and Recommendations.
The ILO has a
long-standing commitment to strengthening labour ministries with the overall
goal of enabling them to make significant inputs into broader economic and
social policy-making as well as carrying out their regular functions with
greater efficiency and impact. Labour ministries are the main interlocutors
between the ILO and the governments of its member States. The ILO relies on the
labour administration in each country, as well as the social partners, to
highlight the importance of the ratification and implementation of
international labour standards. At the national level, the labour ministry has
the main responsibility for ensuring that the social partners have a place in
policy-making and are recognized by government as major interlocutors. Today,
the labour administration finds itself at the centre of the challenges and
constraints resulting from the rapid changes affecting the world of work.
Labour administration,
in particular labour inspection, has enjoyed an increasingly high profile in
recent years, both nationally and internationally. Much of the increased
interest is from governments, recognizing that in a globalized world labour
administration is a key actor in the elaboration and implementation of national
economic and social policies. Labour administration is an important source of
information in its fields of competence for government, employers and workers
alike; it is an active intermediary in the prevention and settlement of labour
disputes; it is an informed observer of the trends in society by virtue of its
special links with the social partners; it is a provider of effective solutions
to the evolving needs of its users. It already bears responsibility for an
increasing part of public expenditure; yet employers and workers are now
calling for better resources for ministries of labour and labour inspectorates,
to promote fairness and a “level playing field”, and to make decent work a
reality.
A specific interest in
good governance and compliance also means increasing expectations of labour
ministries and inspectorates. The World Commission on the Social Dimension of
Globalization (2004) asserted the importance of responding to globalization
through good governance, emphasizing that “the behavior of nation States as
global actors is the essential determinant of the quality of global governance.
Their degree of commitment to multilateralism, universal values and common
goals, the extent of their sensitivity to the cross-border impact of their
policies, and the weight they attach to global solidarity are all vital
determinants of the quality of global governance”. Similarly, the 2008 ILO
Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization reaffirmed the need to
“strengthen the ILO’s capacity to assist its Members’ efforts to reach the
ILO’s objectives in the context of globalization” and to promote “social
dialogue and tripartism as the most appropriate methods for … making labour law
and institutions effective, including in respect of the recognition of the
employment relationship, the promotion of good industrial relations and the
building of effective labour inspection systems”(ILO, 2008a).
Through its new Labour
Administration and Inspection Programme (LAB/ADMIN), launched on 31 March 2009,
the ILO pursues technical assistance and technical cooperation programmes with
a view to assisting its constituents, in particular ministries of labour and
labour administration /inspection systems, to play their crucial role in
improving working conditions, ensuring compliance with labour legislation,
preventing and settling labour disputes, promoting tripartism, working towards
the transparency and fluidity of the labour market, modernizing employment
services and developing adequate vocational training systems. To perform these
functions most effectively, labour administration/inspection systems and
ministries of labour need regularly to review and adapt their actions and services;
they also need to develop new forms of organization, management and
intervention. This new programme assists them by providing comparative
information and advice based on ILO standards and international best practice.
In addition, it carries out its technical assistance and activities with a view
to assisting labour administrations, including labour inspection systems and
employment services, in the design and implementation of more effective
policies and measures for the protection of workers and the improved
functioning of labour markets. It also ensures that labour inspection concerns
are addressed in the Decent Work Country Programmes.
Within its mandate,
and on the invitation of national governments, the Labour Administration and
Inspection Programme conduct audits. The findings and results of these audits
are made available to the tripartite constituents with a view to raising
awareness of current challenges and recommending possible solutions. Action
plans are then formulated in collaboration with the ministry of labour and the
labour inspectorate of the country concerned.
In pursuing its work
along these lines, the LAB/ADMIN Programme aims at:
building the capacity of labour administration to implement
the ILO Decent Work Agenda through elaboration and implementation of labour
policies;strengthening labour inspectorates so that they are modern and
effective, with adequate compliance mechanisms;establishing and strengthening the
legal and institutional framework of labour administration, including
employment services and labour inspection systems;ensuring an efficient
coordination of the various administrations and agencies dealing with social
matters and policies;promoting relevant international labour standards;ensuring
the consultation and participation of workers and employers in labour
administration and inspection systems.
The LAB/ADMIN
Programme leads the ILO’s work on technical support and advisory services,
mobilizing the relevant expertise across the ILO, and works though networks
across technical sectors and regions to enhance the assistance offered to
constituents.
Against this
background, the purpose of this volume is to spell out the main principles of
labour administration, and the challenges facing it in implementing the Decent
Work Agenda. It describes ways in which these challenges can be met through
policy, organization, coordination and management. It also identifies some best
practices in selected countries with well-performing labour administration
systems. It emphasizes the need for a professional approach to labour
administration to ensure effective governance of the labour market. It
addresses labour administrators, labour inspectors, conciliators, employment
service officials, governments, workers, employers, researchers and
professionals. I hope that this publication will bring the efficiency of labour
administration to the forefront of the debate on good governance in the world
of work.
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